WikiPortallus: Sri Lanka Tamils (native)

Sri Lankan Tamil people (Tamil: ஈழத் தமிழர், īḻat tamiḻar ^?), or Ceylon Tamils, are the Tamil speaking people of the South Asian island state of Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan Tamil history attested from the 2nd century BCE. Most modern Sri Lankan Tamils derive their ancestry from descendants of the former Jaffna kingdom in the north of the island or feudal divisions called Vannimais from the east.They constitute a majority in the northern province, live in significant numbers in the eastern province, and are a minority in the rest of the country.

Sri Lankan Tamils are culturally and linguistically distinct from the other two Tamil speaking minorities in Sri Lanka, the Upcountry Tamils and the Moors. The society is also classified by caste divisions. Genetic studies by various researchers indicate that they are closely related to the majority Sinhalese people. The majority of Sri Lankan Tamils are Hindus with the rest being mostly Christians. Their literature flourished during the medieval period in the courts of the Jaffna kingdom, and in the modern period is distinguished by an emphasis on the civil war and its effects. Sri Lankan Tamil dialects are noted for their archaism and retention of words not in every day use in neighboring Tamil Nadu state in India.

Ever since Sri Lanka gained independence from Britain in 1948 the relationship between the majority Sinhalese and minority Sri Lankan Tamil communities have been strained. Rising ethnic and political tensions along with ethnic riots, such as those in 1958, 1977, 1981 and the 1983 Black July pogrom, led to the formation and strengthening of militant groups advocating independence for Tamils. The ensuing civil war has resulted in the death of more than 70,000 and the enforced disappearance of a large number of people.

Though Sri Lankan Tamils have historically migrated to find work, notably during the British colonial period, the civil war has created a diaspora to locations around the world. It is estimated that more than 800,000 Tamils have been displaced within Sri Lanka, and many have left the country for destinations such as India, Canada, and Europe.

History

There is little consensus on the history of the Tamil people of Sri Lanka, also known as Eelam in early Tamil literature, prior to the medieval Chola period (circa 10th century CE). One theory states that there was no organized Tamil presence in Sri Lanka until the invasions from what is now South India in the 10th century CE, yet another theory contends that Tamil people were the original inhabitants of the island.^[10]^[11]

Dakhinathupa in Anuradhapura is currently identified as a Buddhist temple but was considered, until the 1900s CE, as the tomb of 2nd century BCE Tamil king Elara by the locals. The identification and reclassification is considered controversial.^[12]^[13]

The indigenous Veddhas are physically related to Dravidian language-speaking early tribal people in South India and early populations of Southeast Asia, although they no longer speak their original native languages.^[14] According to historian K. Indrapala, cultural diffusion spread the Sinhalese and Tamil languages from peninsular India into an existing Mesolithic population, with minimal population transfer from traders and others, centuries before the Christian era.^[15]

Settlements of people culturally similar to those of present-day Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu in modern India were excavated at megalithic burial sites at Pomparippu on the west coast and in Kathiraveli on the east coast of the island. These have been dated between 5th century BCE and 2nd century CE.^[16]^[17] But according to Prof. Sudharshan Seneveratne, there were cultural similarities in burial practices and implements used in South India, including what is today Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka, by as early as 1500 BCE.^[18]

Historical records establish that Tamil kingdoms in modern India were closely involved in the island's affairs from about the 2nd century BCE.^[19]^[20] There is epigraphic evidence of traders and others identifying themselves as Damelas or Damedas (the Prakrit word for Tamil people) in Anuradhapura and other areas of Sri Lanka as early as the 2nd century BCE.^[21] In Mahavamsa, a historical poem, ethnic Tamil adventurers such as Elara invaded the island around 145 BCE.^[22] Soldiers from what is now South India were brought to Anuradhapura between the 7th and 11th centuries CE in such large numbers that local chiefs and kings trying to establish legitimacy came to rely on them. By 850 CE, the local Tamils were a factor in the political dynamics of Anuradhapura, the capital city.^[23] During this period, there was also large scale mercantile activity from peninsular India, primarily from the Coromandel Coast. Furthermore, there is epigraphic evidence of the existence of Tamil villages collectively known as Demel-kaballa (Tamil allotment), Demelat-valademin (Tamil villages), and Demel-gam-bim (Tamil villages and lands) by the 8th century CE.^[24] In the 9th and 10th centuries CE, Pandya and Chola wars against Sri Lanka culminated in the Chola annexation of the island, which lasted until the latter half of the 11th century CE.^[25]^[26]^[27]^[23]

The decline of Chola power in Sri Lanka was followed by the restoration of the Polonnaruwa monarchy in the late 11th century CE.^[28]

In 1215, following Pandya invasions, the Tamil-dominant Arya Chakaravarthi dynasty established an independent Jaffna kingdom^[29] on the Jaffna peninsula and parts of northern Sri Lanka. The Arya Chakaravarthi expansion into the south was halted by Alagakkonara,^[30] a man generally thought to be from a family of merchants from Kanchipuram in what is now Tamil Nadu, who had become the chief minister of the Sinhalese king Parakramabahu V (1344–59 CE). Vira Alakeshwara, a descendant of Alagakkonara, later became king of the Sinhalese,^[31] but this succession was overthrown by the Ming admiral Cheng Ho in 1409 CE. The Arya Chakaravarthi dynasty ruled over large parts of northeast Sri Lanka until 1619 CE, when it was conquered by the Portuguese. The coastal areas of the island were taken over by the Dutch and then, in 1796 CE, became part of the British Empire. The caste structure of the majority Sinhalese has also accommodated the recent Hindu immigrants from South India, including what is today Tamil Nadu, leading to the emergence of three new Sinhalese caste groups: the Salagama, the Durava and the Karava.^[32]^[33]^[34] This migration and assimilation continued until the eighteenth century.^[32]

Society

Sri Lankan Tamils are categorized into three subgroups based on regional distribution, dialects, and culture. They are: Negombo Tamils from the western part of the island, Eastern Tamils from the eastern part, and Jaffna or Northern Tamils from the north.

Tamil-speaking communities

There are two groups of Tamils in Sri Lanka: the Sri Lankan Tamils (or Ceylon Tamils), who are descendants of either the Tamils of the old Jaffna kingdom or those of east coast feudal divisions called Vannimais, and the Indian Tamils or Hill Country Tamils, who are descendants of bonded laborers sent from Tamil Nadu to Sri Lanka in the 19th century to work on tea plantations.^[35]

Most Sri Lankan Tamils live in the Northern and Eastern provinces and in the capital of Colombo, whereas most Hill Country Tamils inhabit the central highlands.^[36] Both groups have historically seen themselves as separate communities. In 1949, the United National Party government, which included G. G. Ponnambalam, a leader of the Tamil Congress, stripped the Indian Tamils of their citizenship, including their right to vote, although the Federal party, lead by S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, and most Tamil people opposed this move.^[37]

In accordance with an agreement between the Sri Lankan and Indian governments in the 1960s, about 40 percent of the Hill Country Tamils were granted Sri Lankan nationality, and many of the remainder were repatriated to India.^[38] Today, both Tamil communities have a greater sense of solidarity and are more supportive of each other as a result of the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Tamil populations.^[39] By the 1990s most Indian Tamils had received Sri Lankan citizenship.^[40] There is a significant Tamil speaking Muslim population in Sri Lanka; however, unlike Tamil Muslims from India, they do not identify as ethnic Tamils and are therefore usually listed as a separate ethnic group in official statistics.^[41]^[36]

Regional groups

Negombo Tamils, or Puttalam Tamils, is the term commonly used for native Sri Lankan Tamils who live in the western Gampaha and Puttalam districts. It does not apply to Tamil immigrants in these areas who have come from other parts of the island.^[42] They are distinguished from other Tamils by their dialects, one of which is known as the Negombo Tamil dialect, and by aspects of their culture such as customary laws.^[42]^[43]^[44] The Negombo Tamils have shown a continuous cultural assimilation into the Sinhalese ethnic group, a process known as Sinhalisation. This has been facilitated by caste myths and legends (See Sanskritisation). Negombo is the principal coastal city in the Gampaha District, while Puttalam is the largest city in the neighboring Puttalam District. In the Gampaha district, Tamils have historically inhabited the coastal region. In the Puttalam district, there was a substantial ethnic Tamil population until the first two decades of the 20th century, most of whom were Catholics, the rest Hindus.^[45]^[46]

Some residents of these districts are bilingual, especially the traditional fishermen, proving that the Tamil language survives as a lingua franca among migrating fishing communities across the island. It is estimated that the Negombo dialect is spoken by about 50,000 people who otherwise identify themselves as Sinhalese. This number does not include others, north of Negombo city (toward Puttalam), who speak local varieties of the Tamil language.^[44] Today, most of those who value their Tamil identity are Hindus who live in a coastal village called Udappu.^[47] There are some Tamil Christians, chiefly Roman Catholics, who have preserved their heritage in the major cities such as Negombo, Chilaw, Puttalam, and also in villages such as Mampuri.^[45] Tamil place names have been retained in these districts. Outside the Tamil-dominated northeast, the Puttalam District has the highest percentage of place names of Tamil origin in Sri Lanka. Composite or hybrid place names are also seen in these districts. The juxtaposition of Sinhala and Tamil place names is evidence of the peaceful coexistence of the two groups as well as the gradual assimilation process.^[48]

Eastern Tamils inhabit a region that is presently divided into the Trincomalee District, the Batticaloa District, and the Ampara District.^[50] Their history and traditions are inspired by local legends, native literature, and other colonial documents.^[51] After the 1500s CE the area came under the control of the Kandyan kingdom, and from that time Eastern Tamil social development diverged from that of the Northern Tamils. With a largely agrarian-based society, the Eastern Tamils follow a caste system similar to the South Indian or Dravidian kinship system, dominated by the Mukkuvar caste, but with less rigid divisions. The main feature of their society is the kuti system.^[52] Although the Tamil word kuti means a house or settlement, in Batticaloa it is related to matrimonial alliances. Found among all the major caste groups, it refers to the exogamous matrilineal clans;^[53] no man carries with him the kuti of his birth, but instead joins his wife’s kuti on marriage. It also allows control of the places of worship, which are Hindu temples.^[53] The kuti system is also found among the Tamil speaking Muslims of Batticaloa who consider themselves to be a separate ethnic group.^[54] Each caste contains exactly seven kutis, with varying names. Aside from castes with an internal kuti system, there are seventeen caste groups, called Ciraikutis, or imprisoned kutis, whose members are considered to be in captivity, confined to specific services such as washing, weaving, and toddy tapping. Currently, however, such restrictions do not apply. The Tamils of the Trincomalee district have somewhat different social customs from their southern neighbors due to the influence of the Jaffna kingdom to the north.^[53] The indigenous Veddha people of the east coast also speak Tamil and have become assimilated into the Eastern Tamil caste structure.^[55] Most Eastern Tamils follow customary laws called Mukkuva laws codified during the Dutch colonial period.^[56]

Jaffna's history of being an independent kingdom lends legitimacy to the political claims of the Sri Lankan Tamils, and has provided a focus for their constitutional demands.^[57] Northern Tamil society is generally categorized into two groups: those who are from the Jaffna peninsula in the north, and those who are residents of the Vanni districts to the immediate south. The Jaffna society is separated by caste divisions, with social dominance attained by means of caste myths and legends. Historically, the Vellalar, who form approximately fifty percent of the population, were involved in agriculture, using the services of castes collectively known as Panchamar (group of five). The Panchamar consisted of the Nalavar, Pallar, Parayar, Vannar, and Ambattar.^[57] The Karaiyar (fishermen) existed outside the agriculture-based caste system.^[58] Tamil Brahmins officiated in Hindu Temples and were rarely involved in activities beyond the Temples.^[58] People in the Vanni districts considered themselves separate from Tamils of the Jaffna peninsula but the two groups did intermarry. Most of these married couples moved into the Vanni districts where land was available. Vanni, consisting of a highland settlement with jungle beyond, is an area of developed villages using irrigation tank-based cultivation. An 1890 census listed 711 such tanks in this area. Hunting and raising livestock such as water buffalo and cattle is a necessary adjunct to the agricultural occupations. The Tamil-inhabited Vanni consists of the Vavuniya, Mullaitivu, and Eastern Mannar district. Historically, the Vanni area has been in contact with what is now South India, including during the medieval period (see Vanniar).^[57] Northern Tamils follow customary laws called Thesavalamai, codified during the Dutch colonial period.^[59]

Genetic affinities

Sri Lanka‘s important position on trade routes has brought people from many places, such as Africa, the Middle East, Europe, South East Asia, and neighboring India. The heterogeneous origins of the current Sri Lankan people can also be read in the mythical, legendary, and historical records of Sri Lanka such as the Buddhist chronicles Mahavamsa and the medieval Tamil chronicle Yalpana Vaipava Malai, both of which mention the legend of Prince Vijaya, who, with a band of followers, landed in Sri Lanka in 543 BCE from northwest India. He is considered to be the eponymous founder of the Sinhalese people.^[60]

A study by G.K. Kshatriya et al. compared the degree of gene diversity and genetic admixture among the Sri Lankan population groups with the populations of southern, northeastern, and northwestern India, the Middle East, and Europe. These analyses indicated that present-day Tamils and Sinhalese are genetically closest to Indian Tamils and South Indian Muslims. Further removed from Gujaratis and Punjabis of northwest India, they are genetically farthest from the indigenous Veddahs.^[60] The study of the genetic admixture also indicated that the Tamils of Sri Lanka have received a higher contribution from the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka (55.20% +/- 9.47) than from the Tamils of India (16.63% +/- 8.73), and the Sinhalese of Sri Lanka have a higher contribution from the Tamils of southern India (69.86% +/- 0.61) than from the Bengalis of northeast India (25.41% +/- 0.51). The study did not find any correlation with population groups in Northwest India.^[60] A further study by Papiha et al. confirmed the Sri Lankan Tamil population's close genetic affinity to the Sinhalese.^[61]

Religion

Our Lady of St. Anne's Church, originally built during the Portuguese colonial period, is an important landmark in Vankalai, a Tamil village in the Mannar district.

The Hindu elite follow the religious ideology of Shaiva Siddhanta (Shaiva school) while others practice folk Hinduism, upholding their faith in local village deities not found in formal Hindu scriptures. The place of worship depends on the object of worship and how it is housed. It could be a proper Hindu temple known as a Koyil, constructed according to the Agamic scripts (a set of scriptures regulating the temple cult). Very often, however, the temple is not completed in accordance with Agamic scriptures but consists of the barest essential structure housing a local deity.^[64] These temples observe daily Puja (prayers) hours and are attended by locals. Both types of temples have a resident ritualist or priest known as a Kurukkal. A Kurukkal may belong to the Iyer community or be someone from a prominent local lineage.^[64] Other places of worship do not have icons for their deities. The sanctum could house a trident (culam), a stone, or a large tree. Temples of this type are common in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, with a typical village having up to 150 such structures. The offering would be done by an elder of the family who owns the site. A coconut oil lamp would be lit on Fridays, and a special rice dish known as pongal would be cooked either on a day considered auspicious by the family or on the Thai Pongal day, and possibly on Tamil New Year Day. The deities worshipped could be one of the following: Ayyanar, Annamar, Vairavar, Kali, Pillaiyar, Murukan, or Pattini. In the villages, it is the Pillaiyar temples, patronized by local farmers, that are the most numerous.^[64] Tamil Roman Catholics, along with members of other faiths, worship at the Madhu church,^[66] whereas Hindus have a number of temples with historic importance such as those at Ketheeswaram, Koneswaram, Naguleswaram, Munneswaram, and Nallur Kandaswamy.^[67] Kataragama temple and Adams Peak are attended by all religious communities.

Language

Tamil dialects are differentiated by the phonological changes and sound shifts in their evolution from classical or old Tamil (300 BC – 700 CE). The Sri Lankan Tamil dialects form a group that is distinct from the dialects of the modern Tamil Nadu and Kerala states of India. They are broadly classified into three subgroups: the Jaffna Tamil, the Batticaloa Tamil, and the Negombo Tamil dailects. These dialects are also used by ethnic groups other than Tamils such as Muslims, Veddhas, and Sinhalese, who consider themselves separate. Tamil loan words in Sinhala also follow the characteristics of Sri Lankan Tamil dialects.^[68]

Because Tamil is a diglossic language the differences between the standard written variants around the globe are minimal but the spoken varieties differ considerably. The spoken varieties in Sri Lanka, although different from those of Tamil Nadu, share some common features with the southern dialects of Tamil Nadu and the northern Sri Lankan Tamil (Jaffna) dialect. Sri Lankan Tamil dialects retain many words and grammatical forms that are not in everyday use in India,^[69] and use many words differently.^[70] They are less influenced by Sanskrit and the western languages, although there are western and Sanskrit loan words in day-to-day usage. In general, Sri Lankan Tamil dialects are considered to be more conservative than those of the continental Tamils.^[71]

Bilingual fishermen in the Negombo area, who otherwise identify themselves as Sinhalese, use the Negombo Tamil dialect. It has undergone considerable morphosyntactic convergence with spoken or colloquial Sinhala, as a consequence of this contact.^[43] The Batticaloa Tamil dialect is shared between Tamils, Muslims, Veddhas and Portuguese Burghers in the Eastern Province. The Tamil dialect used by residents of the Trincomalee District has many similarities with the Jaffna Tamil dialect.^[68] According to linguist Kamil Zvelebil, the Batticaloa Tamil dialect is the most literary of all the spoken dialects of Tamil. It has preserved several ancient features, remaining more consistent with the literary norm than any other form of Tamil, while at the same time developing a few striking innovations. Although Batticaloa Tamil has distinctive vocabulary, it is classified with other Sri Lankan Tamil dialects by characteristic traits of its phonology. It also retains some words that are otherwise unique to present-day Malayalam, a Dravidian language from Kerala thought to have originated as a dialect of old Tamil.^[72]^[73]

The dialect used in Jaffna is the oldest and is claimed to be the closest to old Tamil. It is thought to preserve many ancient features of old Tamil that predate Tolkappiyam,^[68] the grammatical treatise on Tamil which is dated from 3rd century BCE to 10th CE,^[74]^[75] with some modern scholars preferring to date it not as a single entity but in parts or layers which are estimated to have been written between the 3rd century BCE and the 5th century CE.^[76] According to F B J Kuiper, an Indologist, because the Jaffna Tamils were physically isolated for so long, their dialect, with voiceless plosives, preserves these antique features and they employ a form of ordinary speech closely approaching the classical Tamil. Their isolation also explains the retention of archaic Tamil customs not seen among the continental Tamils for many years.^[68] The Jaffna Tamil dialect and the Indian Tamil dialects are not mutually intelligible, though both share a diglossic "H" variety in literary Tamil.^[77] It is frequently mistaken for Malayalam by native Indian Tamil speakers.^[78] There are Prakrit loan words that are unique to Jaffna Tamil.^[79] A subdialect still used by traditional drummers of Karainagar retains proto-Dravidian and Prakrit words not found in other dialects of Tamil. These drummers have historically played an important role as ritual drummers at funerals and folk temples, and as heralds and traditional weavers. They also maintained the family records of their feudal lords and even practiced medicine and astrology in folk traditions.^[80]

Education

Sri Lankan Tamil society values education highly, for its own sake as well as for the opportunities it provides.^[44] The kings of the Aryacakravarti dynasty from the northern-based Jaffna Kingdom were historically patrons of literature and education. Temple schools and traditional gurukulam classes on verandahs (known as Thinnai Pallikoodam in Tamil) spread basic education in religion and in languages such as Tamil and Sanskrit to the upper classes.^[81] The conquest of the Jaffna kingdom by the Portuguese in 1619 introduced western-style education. The Jesuits opened churches and seminaries, but the Dutch destroyed them and opened their own schools attached to Dutch Reformed churches when they took over Tamil speaking regions of Sri Lanka.^[82] With the expansion of education during the British period, education became the gateway to white-collar jobs in the colonial governments of Sri Lanka, India, Malaysia, and Singapore.

The primary impetus for educational opportunity came with the establishment of the American Ceylon Mission (ACM) in Jaffna, which started with the arrival in 1813 of missionaries sponsored by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). Due to geopolitical issues, the British colonial offices in India and Ceylon restricted the Americans to the relatively small Jaffna Peninsula for almost 40 years. The critical period of the missionaries' impact was from the 1820s to the early 1900s. During this time, they created Tamil translations of English texts, engaged in printing and publishing, established primary, secondary, and college-level schools, and provided health care for residents of the Jaffna Peninsula. American activities in Jaffna also had other unintended consequences. The concentration of efficient Protestant mission schools in Jaffna produced a revival movement among local Hindus led by Arumuga Navalar, who responded by building many more schools within the Jaffna peninsula. Local Catholics also started their own schools in reaction, and the state had its share of primary and secondary schools. Saturated with educational opportunities, many Tamils became literate. This prompted the British colonial government to hire Tamils as government servants in British-held Ceylon, India, Malaysia, and Singapore.^[83]

By the time Sri Lanka became independent in 1948, approximately 60% of the government jobs were held by Tamils, who formed barely fifteen percent of the population. The elected leaders of the country saw this as the result of a British stratagem to control the majority Sinhalese, and deemed it a situation that needed correction. The policy of standardization that was implemented strained the already tenuous political relationship between the communities and many experts believe it was one of the main causes of the Sri Lankan Civil War.^[84]^[85]

Literature

According to legends, the origin of Sri Lankan Tamil literature dates back to the Sangam age, from 300 BCE to 600 CE. The Tamil poet known as Eelattu Poothanthevanar (Poothanthevanar from Sri Lanka) is thought to have lived during this period.^[86] Verses in praise of Hindu deities are known to have been written in Hindu temples built by the Chola empire circa the 11th century CE.^[87] Medieval period Tamil literature was produced in the courts of the native Jaffna kingdom. During the reign of Jayaveera Singaiariyan, Karivaiya wrote a text on medical sciences (Segarajasekaram), astrology (Segarajasekaramalai),^[81]^[88] and mathematics (Kanakathikaram).^[81] A work about medicine known as Pararajasekaram was completed during the rule of Kunaveera Singaiariyan.^[81] During Singai Pararasasekaran's rule, an academy for the propagation of the Tamil language, modeled on those of ancient Tamil Sangam, was established in Nallur. This academy performed a useful service collecting and preserving manuscripts of ancient works in a library called Saraswathy Mahal.^[81] Singai Pararasasekaran's cousin Arasakesari is credited with translating the Sanskrit classic Raghuvamsa into Tamil.^[88] Many literary works of historic importance were compiled before the arrival of European colonizers, including the well-known Vaiyapatal, written by Vaiyapuri Aiyar.^[81]^[89]

During the Portuguese and Dutch colonial periods (1619–1796), Muttukumara Kavirajar (1780–1851) is the earliest known author who used literature to respond to Christian missionary activities. He was followed by Arumuga Navalar (1822–1879), who wrote and published a number of books.^[86] The period of joint missionary activities by the Anglican, American Ceylon, and Methodist Missions saw the spread of modern education and the expansion of translation activities which concluded at the end of the 19th century.

The modern period of literature began in the 1960s with the establishment of modern universities and a free education system in post-independent Sri Lanka. The 1960s also saw a social revolt against the caste system in Jaffna which had an impact on Tamil literature: Dominic Jeeva was a product of this period.^[86] Tamil literature was ahead of its mainland counterpart in modern Tamil Nadu with respect to Dalit issues. Notable literature produced during that period includes author S.Ganesalingam's novels Neenda payanam (Long journey), Porkalam (War field) and Sadangu (Rituals). His writings focused on the caste issues in northern Sri Lanka. S. Ponnuthurai was known for his controversial novel thee (Fire) written in 1961.

After the commencement of the civil war in 1983, a number of poets and fiction writers became active, focusing on issues such as death, destruction, and rape. Such writings have no parallels in any previous Tamil literature.^[86] The war produced displaced Tamil writers around the globe who recorded their longing for their lost homes and the need for integration with mainstream communities in Europe and North America. Recently, Shoba Sakthi, a former child soldier, has written two novels, Gorilla and mmm. His novel Gorilla was translated in to English.^[90] Sri Lankan Tamils have also produced a number of plays during the modern period.^[86]

Cuisine

The cuisine of Sri Lankan Tamils draws influence from that of India, as well as from colonialists and foreign traders. It is noted for its emphasis on using a minimal number of ingredients to turn out simple, nutritious food for the family, rather than gourmet fare for sophisticated palates. Rice, which is usually consumed daily, can also be found at any special occasion, while spicy curries are favorite dishes for lunch and dinner. Rice and curry refers to a range of Sri Lankan Tamil dishes distinct from Indian Tamil cuisine, with regional variations between the Northern and Eastern areas. While rice with curries is the most popular lunch menu, combinations such as curd, tangy mango, and tomato rice are also commonly served.^[91]

String hoppers, which are made of rice flour and look like knitted vermicelli neatly laid out in circular pieces about 12 centimeters (4.7 in) in diameter, are frequently combined with tomato sothi (a soup), and curries for breakfast and dinner.^[92] Another common item is puttu, a granular, dry, but soft steamed rice powder cooked in a bamboo cylinder with the base wrapped in cloth so that the bamboo flute can be set upright over a clay pot of boiling water. This can be transformed into varieties such as ragi, spinach, and tapioca puttu. There are also sweet and savory puttus.^[93] Another popular breakfast or dinner dish is called Appam, a thin crusty pancake made with rice flour, with a perfectly round soft crust in the middle.^[94] It has variations such as egg or milk Appam.^[91]

Jaffna, as a peninsula, has an abundance of seafood such as crab, shark, fish, prawn, and squid. Meat dishes such as mutton, chicken, pork, and beef also have their own niche. The vegetable curries, primarily from the home garden, use ingredients such as pumpkin, yam, jackfruit seed, hibiscus flower, and various green leaves. Coconut milk and hot chilly powder are also frequently used. Appetizers can consist of a range of achars, (pickles) and vadahams. Snacks and sweets are generally of the homemade "rustic" variety, relying on jaggery, sesame seed, coconut, and gingelly oil, to give them their distinct regional flavor. A popular alcoholic drink in rural areas is Palm wine, made from palm tree sap. Snacks, savories, sweets and porridge produced from the palmyra form a separate but unique category of foods; from the fan-shaped leaves to the root, the palmyra palm forms an intrinsic part of the life and cuisine of northern region.^[91]

Politics

The continuous political rancor between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils is a hallmark of Sri Lanka's modern history. According to Jonathan Spencer, the Sri Lankan Civil War has had several underlying causes: the ways in which modern ethnic identities have been made and remade since the colonial period, the political struggle between minority Sri Lankan Tamils and the Sinhala-dominant government (accompanied by rhetorical wars over archaeological sites and place name etymologies), and the political use of the national past.^[95] Sri Lanka has been unable to contain its ethnic violence as it escalated from sporadic terrorism, to mob violence, to civil war in recent years.^[96] Since 1983, Sri Lanka has also witnessed massive civilian displacements of more than a million people, with eighty percent of them being Sri Lankan Tamils.^[97] In July 2008 alone over 60,000 additional people were displaced in new offensives.^[98] The ensuing civil war has led to the death of over 70,000 people,^[99] and, according to human Rights groups such as Human Rights Watch, has resulted in the disappearance of a large number of people as part of the war effort.^[100]^[101]^[102]

Before Independence

The arrival of Protestant missionaries on a large scale beginning in 1814 was a primary contributor to the development of political awareness among the Tamils. Activities by missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Methodist, and Anglican churches led to a revival among Hindu Tamils who created their own social groups, built their own schools and temples, and published their own literature to counter the missionary activities. The success of this effort led to a new confidence for the Tamils, encouraging them to think of themselves as a community, and it prepared the way for their emergence as a cultural, religious, and linguistic society in the mid-19th century.^[103]^[104]

Great Britain, having control of the whole island by 1815, established a legislative council in 1833 with three European seats and one seat each for Sinhalese, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Burghers. This council's primary function was to act as advisor to the Governor, and the seats eventually became elected positions. From the introduction of an advisory council to the Donoughmore Commission in 1931 until the Soulbury Commission in 1947, the main dispute between the elite of the Sinhalese and of the Tamils was over the question of representation, not the structure of the government. The issue of power-sharing was used by the nationalists of both communities to create an escalating interethnic rivalry which continues to gain momentum today.^[105]

There was initially little tension between Sri Lanka's two largest ethnic groups, the Sinhalese and the Tamils, when Ponnambalam Arunachalam, a Tamil, was appointed representative of the Sinhalese as well as of the Tamils in the national legislative council. British Governor William Manning, however, actively encouraged the concept of "communal representation" and created the Colombo seat which was dangled between the Tamils and the Sinhalese.^[106] Subsequently, the Donoughmore Commission strongly rejected communal representation and brought in universal franchise. This decision was opposed by the Tamil political leadership, who realized they would be reduced to a minority in parliament, according to their proportion of the overall population. G. G. Ponnambalam, a leader of the Tamil community, suggested to the Soulbury Commission that a roughly equal number of seats be assigned to Tamils and Sinhalese in an independent Ceylon—a proposal that was rejected.^[107] But under section 29(2) of the constitution formulated by the commissioner, additional protection was provided to minority groups. Further, the constitution required a two-thirds majority for any amendments and a scheme of representation that provided more weight to the ethnic minorities.^[108]

After Independence

Following independence in 1948, G. G. Ponnambalam and his Tamil congress joined D. S. Senanayake's moderate, western-oriented United National Party. The Ceylon citizenship act of 1948, which denied citizenship to Sri Lankans of Indian origin, split the Tamil Congress; G. G.Ponnambalam and D. S. Senanayake were strongly criticized by the opposition Marxist groups and the newly formed Sri ankan Tamil nationalist Federal Party (FP). S. J. V. Chelvanayakam, the leader of the new party, contested the citizenship act before the Supreme Court, and then in the Privy council in England, on grounds of discrimination towards minorities, but did not succeed in overturning the act. The FP took two seats in the 1952 election, against the Tamil Congress' four; but in the 1956 election, it became the dominant party in the Tamil districts and remained so for two decades. The FP came to be known for its uncompromising stand on Tamil rights.^[109] In response to the parliamentary act that made Sinhala the sole official language in 1956, Federal Members of Parliament staged a nonviolent sit-in (satyagraha) protest, but it was violently broken up by a mob. The FP was blamed and briefly banned after the mini pogrom of May–June 1958 targeting Tamils in which many were killed and thousands forced to flee their homes.^[110] Another point of conflict between the communities was state sponsored colonization schemes that effectively changed the demographic balance in the Eastern Province, an area Tamil nationalists considered to be their traditional homeland, in favor of the majority Sinhalese. This has been perhaps the most immediate cause of intercommunity violence.^[111]^[96]

In 1972, a newly formulated constitution removed section 29(2) of the 1947 Soulbury constitution that was formulated to protect the interests of minorities.^[112] Also, in 1973, the policy of standardization was implemented by the Sri Lankan government, supposedly to rectify disparities in university enrollment created under British colonial rule. It was in essence an affirmative action program to assist geographically disadvantaged students get a college education. The resultant benefits enjoyed by Sinhalese students also meant a significant decrease in the number of Tamil students within the Sri Lankan university student population.^[113]

Shortly thereafter in 1973, the Federal Party decided to demand a separate Tamil state. To further their nationalistic cause, in 1975 they merged with the other Tamil political parties to become the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). After the first National convention of TULF in 1976, the Ceylon Tamils moved towards a transformed nationalism, meaning they were now unwilling to live within a confined single island entity.^[114] Chelvanayakam and the Federal Party had always campaigned for a united country and thought, until 1973, that partitioning the country would be “suicidal”. At that point, however, policies by the various governments that were considered to be discriminatory by the Tamil leadership modified the position of Tamil Nationalism.^[96]^[111] By 1977 most Tamils seemed to support the move for independence by electing the Tamil United Liberation Front overwhelmingly.^[115] The elections were followed by the 1977 riots in which around 300 Tamils were killed.^[116] There was further violence in 1981 when an organized mob went on a rampage during the nights of May 31 to June 2, burning down the Jaffna public library. This was a violent example of ethnic biblioclasm;^[117] at the time of destruction the Jaffna library was one of the largest in Asia, containing more than 97,000 books and manuscripts.^[118]^[119]

Rise of militancy

Since 1948, when Sri Lanka became independent, successive governments have adopted policies that have benefited the majority Sinhalese at the expense of the minority Sri Lankan Tamils.^[120] Designed to assist the Sinhalese community in such areas as education and public employment, these policies also severely handicapped the middle class Tamil youth, who found it more difficult during the 1970s and 1980s to enter a university or secure employment.^[120]^[121] The individuals belonging to this younger generation, often referred to by other Tamils as "the boys" (Potiyal in Tamil) formed many militant organizations.^[120] The most important contributor to the strength of the militant groups was the Black July pogrom, thought to have been an organized event, in which over 1,000 Sri Lankan Tamil civilians were killed, prompting many youths to choose the armed path of resistance.^[120]^[122]

By the end of 1987, the militant youth groups had fought not only the Sri Lankan security forces and the Indian Peace Keeping Force, but they also fought among each other with equal if not greater brutality, and the main Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebel group eliminated most of the others. These groups were the voice of intergenerational tensions as well as caste and ideological differences. Except for the LTTE, many of the remaining organizations have transformed into either minor political parties within the Tamil National Alliance or standalone political parties. Some also function as paramilitary groups within the Sri Lankan military.^[120]

Major human rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as the United States Department of State^[123] and the European Union,^[124] have expressed concern about the state of human rights in Sri Lanka. Both the government of Sri Lanka and the rebel LTTE have been accused of human rights violations. Although Amnesty International found, in 2003, considerable improvement in the human rights situation, attributed to a ceasefire and peace talks between the government and the LTTE,^[125] by 2007 they reported that there was escalating political killings, child recruitment, abductions, and armed clashes which created a climate of fear in the northern and eastern sections of the country. The report also specifically pointed to mass killings, such as the murder of five students in Trincomalee, the murder of 17 employees of Action Against Hunger, and the Chencholai bombing in which 51 female students died along with others.^[126]

Migrations

Pre-independence

The earliest Tamil speakers known to have traveled from Sri Lanka to foreign lands were members of a merchant guild calling itself Tenilankai Valanciyar (Valanciyar from Lanka of the South), who were discovered to have been in South India from inscriptions dated to the 13th century.^[127] In the late 19th century, educated Tamils from the Jaffna peninsula migrated to the British colonies of Malaya (Malaysia and Singapore) and India to assist the colonial bureaucracy. They worked in almost every branch of public administration as well as plantation and industrial sectors such as railway, postal, and civil service. Prominent Malaysian such as Ananda Krishnan,^[128] included in the Forbes list of billionaires is of Sri Lankan Tamil descent.Singapore's former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, S. Rajaratnam (1915–2006), is also of Sri Lankan Tamil descent.^[129] C. W. Thamotharampillai (1832–1901), an Indian-based Tamil language revivalist, was born in the Jaffna peninsula and settled in India after taking a position with the colonial authorities.^[130]

Post civil war

After the start of the conflict between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, there was a mass migration of Tamils trying to escape the hardships and perils of a country torn by war. Initially, it was middle class professionals, such as doctors and engineers, who emigrated; they were followed by the poorer segments of the community, who sold everything they had to buy a passport and ticket in order to seek asylum in foreign lands. The ethnic fighting has driven more than 800,000 Tamils from their homes to other places within Sri Lanka as internally-displaced refugees and also overseas, prompting the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to identify them in 2004 as the largest asylum-seeking group.^[3]^[131]

The country with the largest share of displaced Tamils is Canada, with more than 200,000 legal residents, found mostly within the Greater Toronto Area. The Tamil Canadians are a well-integrated group,^[2] and there are a number of prominent Canadians of Sri Lankan Tamil descent, such as author Shyam Selvadurai,^[132] and Indira Samarasekera,^[133] president of the University of Alberta. Neighboring India has provided refuge to over 100,000 in special camps and another 50,000 outside of the camps.^[3] In western European countries, the refugees and immigrants have integrated themselves into society where permitted. Tamil British singer M.I.A, also known as Mathangi Arulpragasam,^[134] and BBC journalist George Alagiah^[135] are, among others, notable people of Sri Lankan Tamil descent. Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus have built a number of prominent Hindu temples across North America and Europe, notably in Canada, France, Germany, Denmark, and the UK.^[5]^[9]

Sri Lanka Tamils (native)

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